[act-ma] Inside the Flint water crisis cover-up: Top officials’ missing phone messages and Governor Rick Snyder’s illegal obstruction and war against prosecutors

Fuller G fullerg at gmail.com
Mon Jul 26 12:45:01 PDT 2021

Inside the Flint water crisis cover-up: Top officials’ missing phone
messages and Rick Snyder’s legal war against prosecutors
belonging to top state health department officials were found with no text
messages from the period Flint switched its drinking water, and
environmental officials’ phones were allegedly ‘wiped clean’By Jordan
Chariton <https://www.metrotimes.com/author/jordan-chariton> @JordanChariton
<https://twitter.com/JordanChariton> and Jenn Dize
<https://www.metrotimes.com/author/jenn-dize> @JennElizabethJ
[image: Investigators who were part of a three-year Flint water
investigation beginning in 2016 kept drilling dry holes. - NOAH MACMILLAN]

   - Noah MacMillan
   - Investigators who were part of a three-year Flint water investigation
   beginning in 2016 kept drilling dry holes.

*This story was produced in a partnership between The Intercept and Detroit
Metro Times.*
00:14 / 00:20
Megan Thee Stallion to Appear on the Cover of 'Sports Illustrated' Swimsuit

In October 2015, then-Michigan Governor Rick Snyder finally announced that
Flint's water was contaminated with dangerous lead levels. That public
admission had come after more than a year of pleading from the city's
residents to examine the situation. The city, Snyder promised, would
immediately stop using water from the Flint River, which residents had been
drinking for 18 months.

The public announcement raised as many questions as it answered, and
kick-started a years-long investigation into how the decision that
delivered the toxic water to Flint had been made in the first place, how
many people were sickened and killed as a result, and when senior
government officials first learned of the deadly consequences.

Along the way, however, investigators who were part of a three-year Flint
water investigation beginning in 2016 kept drilling dry holes.

Dr. Eden Wells became Michigan's chief medical executive in May 2015. By
then, the Michigan Department of Health & Human Services had been aware for
at least seven months about a significant increase in the deadly waterborne
Legionnaires' Disease throughout Flint.

But when investigators obtained access to Wells's phone, they discovered
something unusual. "For Dr. Wells' phone the earliest message is from
November 12, 2015," then-Flint special prosecutor Todd Flood wrote in a
subpoena petition obtained by *The Intercept*. During the key period that
investigators were probing, no messages were found. In 2018, a judge ruled
Wells would have to stand trial for involuntary manslaughter, along with
obstruction of justice, over her role in the water crisis. (Those charges
were dropped by current Attorney General Dana Nessel in 2019; in January
2021, Nessel's Flint water prosecutors recharged Wells with involuntary
manslaughter, misconduct in office, and neglect of duty.)

Other searches turned up similar results. The phone of Tim Becker, MDHHS's
chief deputy director, had no messages on it prior to April 14 2016, two
months before he left his role with MDHHS, the subpoena reported. Becker
testified to having first asked questions about Flint's Legionella outbreak
January 2015.

Patricia McKane, an epidemiologist with MDHHS who testified that she was
pressured to lie by Dr. Wells about elevated blood-lead levels in Flint's
was found to have only had four text messages on her phone from 2015 and
seven total messages. (Wells denied the allegation.) Fellow MDHHS
epidemiologist Sarah Lyon-Callo, who Dr. Wells copied in an email responding
to accusations by a Wayne State University professor that she was trying to
conceal the link between the Flint River switch and the Legionella outbreak
had no messages prior to June 2016.

"Again, for some strange reason the earliest text message in time on her
device begins June 20, 2016," reads the subpoena petition. Wesley Priem,
manager of the MDHHS's Lead and Healthy Homes program, who emailed
colleagues erroneously challenging the findings of high blood-lead levels
in Flint children discovered by Flint pediatrician Dr. Mona Hanna-Attisha
had just one text message found on his state-issued phone from Jan. 22,

The missing phone messages from top MDHHS officials were a major red flag
to investigators and an obvious impediment to those investigating who knew
what and when. Despite department epidemiologists hypothesizing in October
2014 that the source of Flint's deadly Legionnaires' Disease outbreak was
the switch to the Flint River
months earlier, Flint residents weren't informed of the deadly outbreak
until 16 months later when Governor Snyder announced it in January 2016.
PBS found a 43 percent increase in pneumonia deaths in Flint
the 18 months the city received drinking water from the Flint River — and
also found that scientists believed some of those 115 pneumonia deaths
could be attributed to Legionnaires' Disease
which has similar symptoms to pneumonia and is often misdiagnosed as such.

Investigators also discovered that phone data belonging to a key official
close to Governor Snyder was completely erased shortly before the Flint
criminal investigation was launched.

Sara Wurfel, Governor Snyder's press secretary during the water crisis in
2014 through fall 2015, told Flood her phone was "wiped" when she left her
job at the end of November 2015
after a civil suit was filed against the Snyder administration and a month
before the launch of the Flint water criminal investigation.

"Do you have text messages from 2015 currently [on your phone]?" Flood
asked Wurfel in a confidential interview obtained by *The Intercept*.

"No. So when I left the Governor's office, everything got wiped. I mean,
when – I turned in my phone, it got wiped," Wurfel told Flood. Wurfel, who
kept her state cell number when she left her government job, said she
didn't recall if she had been asked to hand in her phone at any other time
in 2015 prior to leaving her job in November. She also said she didn't
think she had used iCloud to back up her phone data.

When asked for comment by *The Intercept*, Wurfel said, "Not sure what
you're referring to — please share if there's a specific document, item,
etc." When provided with what she told the special prosecutor regarding her
phone being wiped when she left her state role, she did not reply.

"That is not standard," a former Department of Technology, Management and
Budget [DTMB] official who worked for the state during this period and was
involved with state data preservation told *The Intercept* about Wurfel's
phone being wiped upon leaving her role as Snyder's press secretary. "There
are retention schedules that every agency, including the governor's office,
is supposed to adhere to," said the ex-official, adding that for the
governor's office, data is supposed to be retained for at least a year
after an official leaves. But with potential litigation looming, "it
should've been held indefinitely," the official concluded. The source spoke
only on the condition of anonymity for fear of professional retaliation.
As the water crisis intensified, criminal prosecutors and investigators
would discover that messages were missing from before October 2015 on
phones belonging to top MDHHS officials.tweet this

Lonnie Scott, the executive director of the progressive organization
Progress Michigan, told *The Intercept* "it's not entirely surprising to
hear" that top officials' phones were altered or wiped completely. Scott
had seen something similar happen before in 2014 when his organization had
submitted Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests for state health
director Jim Haveman's communications with Snyder's chief of staff. After
Haveman resigned from his job in October 2014, Progress Michigan discovered
that his emails were deleted
his resignation from his role.

"We've said all along that we believe that there was a cover-up and that
the governor knew more information than he was putting out publicly," Scott

*The Intercept* has also learned that former prosecutors were told that
phones belonging to officials with the Michigan Department of Environmental
Quality (MDEQ) might have been erased.

Soon after Snyder's October 2015 announcement about Flint's toxic water,
the heat intensified around the governor as calls for a federal
investigation into the water crisis mounted
with heightened media attention. As the water crisis intensified, and a
criminal investigation was launched, criminal prosecutors and investigators
would discover that messages were missing from before October 2015 on
phones belonging to top MDHHS officials.

The question of what Snyder knew and when, and what role he and his
administration played in stymying investigations into the cause and
cover-up of the outbreak, is of increasing importance as the former
governor now faces trial in connection with his handling of Flint's water

Wells's lawyer did not respond to *The Intercept*'s request for comment.
Neither did Becker, McKane, Lyon-Callo, or Priem. A spokesperson for
Governor Snyder declined to comment.

On the missing phone messages from top MDHHS officials, a department
spokesperson told *The Intercept*, "The department does not care to comment
other than to say that the department always cooperates with the Attorney
General's office in providing anything that office has asked for during its
Flint water investigation."

Governor Snyder's legal team declined to comment.
[image: The question of what Snyder knew and when is of increasing
importance as the former governor now faces trial. - FLICKR CREATIVE

   - Flickr Creative Commons/Michigan Municipal League
   - The question of what Snyder knew and when is of increasing importance
   as the former governor now faces trial.

In a draft subpoena petition obtained by *The Intercept*, Flint special
prosecutor Flood, who was appointed by then-Michigan Attorney General Bill
Schuette in 2016 to carry out the original Flint water investigation,
sought to interview Jim Fick, a state IT official with the Department of
Technology, Management, and Budget (DTMB). In the subpoena petition, Flood
referenced the top MDHHS officials from whom he had recently obtained phone
data; four out of their five phones had "no records prior to October 2015."
[image: The draft of a subpoena for prosecutors to interview Jim Fick, a
state of Michigan IT official. - OBTAINED BY THE INTERCEPT]

   - Obtained by *The Intercept*
   - The draft of a subpoena for prosecutors to interview Jim Fick, a state
   of Michigan IT official.

[image: The draft of a subpoena for prosecutors to interview Jim Fick, a
state of Michigan IT official. - OBTAINED BY THE INTERCEPT]

   - Obtained by *The Intercept*
   - The draft of a subpoena for prosecutors to interview Jim Fick, a state
   of Michigan IT official.

Flood's subpoena motion also described an email that he and his criminal
team received in May 2016 from Jim Henry, a supervisor with Genesee County
Health Department, who knew Fick through their children's hockey team. In
Henry's email, obtained by *The Intercept*, he wrote: "Jim [Fick] explained
to me that several MDEQ [Michigan Department of Environmental Quality]
employee phones were returned to his office 'wiped clean' about the same
time of George's email below."

Henry was referring to George Krisztian, who served as MDEQ's lab director
involved with Flint's water lead- and copper-testing data — data that Flint
water investigators found MDEQ officials had "conspired" to alter in order
to bury the true lead levels
showed Flint's water was toxic.

Soon after Snyder's Oct. 8, 2015 press conference announcing Flint's water
was toxic, Krisztian was named MDEQ's Flint action plan coordinator
Weeks later, on Oct. 19, 2015, MDEQ director Dan Wyant admitted that the
state environmental department had erred when it failed to treat Flint's
water with corrosion-control chemicals
prevent lead from leaching off old distribution pipes into the city's water
supply. One day after MDEQ's public mea culpa, Krisztian sent an email to
colleagues announcing that he had a new cell phone and number.

Henry told prosecutors that Fick explained "it was odd to have [received]
several working phones that were 'wiped clean' and no information could be
retrieved. The timing of [this] was soon after the governor's press
conference on the 8th." It was at that press conference that Snyder had
first spoken publicly of the alarming lead levels. (*The Intercept* does
not know which MDEQ officials allegedly used these phones or whether they
are connected in any way to the senior MDHHS officials' phones described by
Flood as missing any data prior to October 2015.)
[image: An email Genesee County health official Jim Henry sent to the Flint
criminal team tipping them off to what state IT official Jim Fick allegedly
told him about MDEQ officials’ phones being delivered “wiped clean” to IT -

   - Obtained by *The Intercept*
   - An email Genesee County health official Jim Henry sent to the Flint
   criminal team tipping them off to what state IT official Jim Fick allegedly
   told him about MDEQ officials’ phones being delivered “wiped clean” to IT

[image: George Krisztian emails colleagues on October 20, 2015, informing
them he has a new cellphone and new number. - OBTAINED BY THE INTERCEPT]

   - Obtained by *The Intercept*
   - George Krisztian emails colleagues on October 20, 2015, informing them
   he has a new cellphone and new number.

Krisztian told *The Intercept* that he got a new phone shortly after
Snyder's press conference because of "my new assignment as the Flint Action
Plan Coordinator."

"I needed a phone that was dedicated to that job so that the Lab could get
their phone back and be used by the acting lab director," he said. "Many
parties had that phone number as a contact for the lab, and if I recall
correctly that number was also used for emergency response efforts. As
such, it was only logical that I be issued a new phone and number. In
addition, the old phone was a flip phone that had very limited
functionality and a smartphone was much better suited to handle the needs
of the Flint assignment."

In general, getting a new phone and a new number was unusual, the former
state official with DTMB familiar with government data preservation told *The

"If you were supposed to get a new phone, even if it was an upgrade, you
would keep the same number," the ex-DTMB official said. "That's the number
on your business card and on all your documentation, so they wouldn't
change that."

Krisztian aside, Flood considered whether there was a connection between
the "wiped clean" phones and the phones he described with missing data,
writing, "The contents of the imaged data [from MDHHS officials' phones]
have given credence to the possibility that was articulated from James Fick
to James Henry may have occurred."

Despite the petition to subpoena Fick, Flood's team was never formally able
to interview the IT official under oath, *The Intercept* learned; the
subpoena petition moved up the attorney general's leadership chain, but the
"brakes kind of got pumped" and efforts to subpoena Fick halted, a source
familiar with the chain of events told *The Intercept*. Instead, an
investigator spoke with Fick informally, the results of which are unknown.

Fick did not respond to multiple requests for comment from *The
Intercept* regarding
Henry's tip to investigators. Henry, too, did not respond.

At least one high-level MDEQ official was asked to hand in his state-issued
phone in the same October 2015 period that Fick allegedly received several
"wiped clean" phones, documents obtained by *The Intercept* reveal.

In a confidential 2016 interview, Jim Sygo, then-MDEQ deputy director, told
Flood that sometime in October 2015 he was asked to give his phone to Mary
Beth Thelen, the administrative assistant to MDEQ director Wyant, documents
obtained by *The Intercept* show.

"I don't know where they took it or what they did with it," Sygo told Flood
in a confidential interview, adding that he believed they were taking his
phone to have it imaged. When Flood asked him if he received his phone back
after handing it in, Sygo answered no. He did not specify whether he was
given a new phone.

Sygo, who died in 2018 eight months after he testified in the pre-trial of
Michigan's chief medical executive Wells
was an MDEQ official who investigators questioned to find out what and when
MDEQ director Wyant — and Snyder — knew about Flint's deadly waterborne
Legionnaires' Disease outbreak.

When approached about the alleged "wiped clean" phones delivered to Fick, a
DTMB spokesperson told *The Intercept*: "Each agency has a designated smart
device coordinator who is responsible for ensuring their agency devices
follow all IT security policies, guidelines, procedures, practices and
recommendations. When an employee departs state service, their device
should be returned to the coordinator, who then ensures the phone is
properly handled. State agencies and their smart device coordinators are
responsible for determining when to securely wipe the device. DTMB provides
technical guidance on how to securely wipe the devices. Questions about
agency actions with mobile devices need to be addressed by the specific

A spokesperson for MDEQ, which has rebranded itself the Michigan Department
of Environment, Great Lakes, and Energy, pointed to the previous Snyder

"The current administration [of Governor Gretchen Whitmer] is neither in a
position to confirm the actions of, nor speculate on the motives of,
employees and former employees that occurred six years ago," they said. The
spokesperson declined further comment, citing the ongoing Flint criminal

Beyond the questions arising from the phone data, *The Intercept* uncovered
more details behind multiple internal investigations Governor Snyder
initiated into the Flint water crisis. One of the investigations — led by
the Michigan State Police (MSP) to investigate MDEQ's culpability for the
water crisis — was launched on the same day AG Schuette announced Flood as
the Flint criminal investigation's special counsel in January 2016.

The other Snyder-launched investigation was led by the state inspector
general/auditor general investigating MDHHS' role in the water crisis. In a
sharply worded May 25, 2016 letter Schuette sent to Governor Snyder, the
attorney general ridiculed the investigations, arguing that they "have
compromised the ongoing criminal investigation" and "may effectively be an
obstruction of justice."

After Schuette's letter demanding that Snyder cease his own Flint
investigations, the governor announced a halt to them.

*The Intercept* obtained a draft of Schuette's letter from a week before it
was sent to Snyder that indicates the final letter was softened compared to
the draft shortly before it; the previous draft had indicated the attorney
general believed Snyder's internal investigations weren't credible.

"The failure to halt your ongoing civil and administrative 'investigations'
may cause the guilty to go free, obstruct justice, and result in gross
injustice to the families of Flint and to the families of Michigan," the
May 19, 2016, draft said.

"The AG wanted quotes around the word investigations in that paragraph; I
don't know if he wanted that usage throughout," retired Judge William
Whitbeck, a member of the Flint criminal investigation team, wrote to
colleagues in a May 19, 2016 email obtained by *The Intercept*.

But in the final letter sent by Schuette to the governor on May 25, 2016,
the quotation marks around investigations were removed. Another notable
change from the draft letter was the removal of a section in which Schuette
suggested that Lt. Lisa Rish, who led MSP's investigation into MDEQ's role
in the water crisis, obtained "coerced statements" from MDEQ employees that
the Supreme Court's *Garrity v. New Jersey* decision outlawed.

"*Garrity* issues of this type have the potential to complicate, and in
fact have already complicated, our ability to conduct the type of thorough
and timely criminal investigation that the Flint water crisis demands," the
May 19, 2016, draft said. But in the final letter, mentions of the
*Garrity* Supreme
Court decision and "coerced statements" were removed.

Beyond the changes in the final letter sent to the governor, Snyder's top
adviser and self-described "fixer," Richard Baird, was the point-person for
Snyder who engineered the state police and inspector general/auditor
general investigations, multiple sources familiar with the criminal
investigation told *The Intercept*. With this knowledge in mind, Schuette
copied Baird on the letter to the governor, along with Snyder's private
attorney, chief legal counsel, and chief of staff.

In January, Baird was charged with obstruction of justice, misconduct in
office, perjury, and extortion for his role in the Flint water crisis.

The attorney representing Baird did not respond to *The Intercept*'s
request for comment.

The state police investigation's report, obtained by *The Intercept*,
minimized MDEQ's culpability in the water crisis. In the report, MSP Lt.
Lisa Rish wrote that MDEQ employees she interviewed "denied any wrongdoing"
and claimed they had followed federal drinking-water regulations while
making decisions related to Flint's water. MSP interviewed 11 MDEQ
officials, four of whom ended up being charged by AG Schuette as part of
the Flint water criminal investigation.

In one example, Lt. Rish wrote that MDEQ supervisor Stephen Busch merely
made a "misstatement" when he falsely told concerned EPA officials that
Flint had an "optimized corrosion control program"
February 2015. As the *Detroit Free Press
Flint "disastrously" had no corrosion control program in place at all, the
lack of which resulted in lead leaching off of the city's older pipes into
its drinking water.

Schuette did not respond to *The Intercept*'s request for comment, nor did
Lt. Rish or the Michigan State Police.

Snyder's internal investigations weren't the only red flags investigators
discovered surrounding the governor and his top adviser, Baird.

*The Intercept* learned that departments, including MDEQ and MDHHS, were
tasked with creating timelines for their respective actions during the
water crisis. But like many other things inside the Snyder administration
during the crisis, the timelines were routed through Baird, who was
well-known in state government as Snyder's right-hand man and close friend
dating back to when Baird gave the governor his first job out of college

Baird's power as the governor's point-man even drew jokes of him being a
"shadow governor."

Upon reviewing the timelines, Flood's investigators determined the state
departments had omitted important facts and events, according to documents
reviewed by *The Intercept*; more so, they learned the timelines were
routed through Baird. Documents related to Flood's investigation accuse
Baird of inserting false information into the timelines in order to provide
state officials with an official story to tell if and when they were
questioned over the water crisis.

More than just allegedly false information, the timelines seemed to be
missing important events linked to the water crisis.

"It appears that MDEQ has missed a few items," Henry, the Genesee County
Health Department supervisor who sent prosecutors the tip about the "wiped
clean" phones to investigators, wrote in a Dec. 3, 2015, email to
colleagues that attached the Flint water timeline MDEQ put together.

"I doubt they want our help filling in the blanks," Henry wrote.
[image: An email Genesee County Health Department official Jim Henry sent
to colleagues inferring that the state environmental department’s timeline
of its role in the Flint water crisis selectively left out important

   - Obtained by *The Intercept*
   - An email Genesee County Health Department official Jim Henry sent to
   colleagues inferring that the state environmental department’s timeline of
   its role in the Flint water crisis selectively left out important details.

Soon after state departmental timelines were allegedly falsified, and
around the same time that Snyder's questionable internal Flint water
investigations were underway, Snyder administration officials voiced
concern about pressure they were receiving to improperly withhold Flint
water documents they felt should've been released to the public in response
to a significant volume of FOIA requests, *The Intercept* has learned.

After releasing his own personal emails — which news outlets noted were largely
unrelated to the water crisis and heavily redacted
Snyder told Congress that "relevant documents" from different state
agencies would be released so that the public could have an "open, honest
assessment" of what happened.

But some officials within his administration felt pressured to do exactly
the opposite.

One week after Snyder's congressional testimony, Georgia Shuler — one of
several DTMB analysts tasked with combing through Flint water emails to
determine which ones should be released to the public in response to FOIA
requests — emailed her supervisor expressing serious concerns about the
process for releasing Flint documents, emails obtained by *The Intercept*

Shuler wrote her supervisor that during a meeting about the Flint water
emails she and other analysts were tasked with going through to evaluate
which emails should be released, the employee leading the meeting told
Shuler and other analysts they "would not be held responsible if the
documents ended up being missorted."

Shuler responded that she appreciated that, but a verbal assurance wouldn't
provide her protection from any issues that may arise from improperly
holding back relevant emails from public release.

"That's when I asked if I could have an email to that effect and she did
not answer me and walked away," Shuler recounted to her supervisor, adding
that one of the meeting attendees "replied to me that if your boss tells
you to do something and you do it, you can't get in trouble for doing what
you are told. The lawyer nodded but I replied that that was not always true
and the meeting leader, lawyer, told me to stop talking."

Ultimately, Shuler said she was uncomfortable working on the FOIA project
and asked to be excused, a request that was granted.

"If she determined an email was clearly not Flint-related — but it really
was Flint-related — she wasn't going to be held responsible for that," an
ex-DTMB official familiar with Shuler's concerns told *The Intercept*.

The process that determined which Snyder administration Flint water emails
to release didn't stop at lower-level analysts like Shuler. After Shuler
and other analysts conducted initial reviews of thousands of Flint emails,
the trove of documents they determined should be released under FOIA then
moved up the chain for a "Tier 2" review among department heads and
communications staff, the ex-DTMB official, who was involved with the
process, told *The Intercept*. Finally, the emails went to the governor's
office for final approval, one current and one fomer DTMB official said.

Potentially damaging emails were withheld by the governor's office, the
former DTMB official alleged being told by then-DTMB chief of staff Jean
Ingersoll. Ingersoll, the ex-DTMB official alleged, had told them that she
attended a meeting in the governor's office where officials said that "they
would never be handing over" some records. When the ex-DTMB official pushed
back that the process seemed "shady," Ingersoll reiterated the marching
orders from the governor's office and said "that's what we're going to do,"
the ex-DTMB official alleged.

Ingersoll, now with MDHHS, acknowledged to *The Intercept* that she sat in
"one or two meetings" in the governor's office about Flint water emails,
but said "I don't recall this conversation" about controversial documents
being withheld from the public.

The alleged attempts to withhold Flint-related emails continued a Snyder
administration trend of concealing communications. In 2013, Baird and other
Snyder officials used their private emails
communicate about a secret, for-profit school model the Snyder
administration planned on launching — ominously called "Skunk Works."

The move was par for the course for Baird, according to the ex-DTMB
official, who alleged the governor's right-hand man once chided them for
sending an email about Flint to his official Michigan government email.

"Don't ever email me there, always email me on my hotmail account," Baird
allegedly told the ex-DTMB official on a call soon after the official
emailed his government email, the former official alleged to *The Intercept*.
"He never replied to the email; I think he was mad that I mentioned Flint
in an email."

The alleged command by Baird was in sync with his overall aversion to
leaving an official paper trail.

"Trust me amigo. Emails are fodder for our enemies' cannons," Baird wrote
to ex-Flint emergency manager Darnell Earley in a March 13, 2015, text
message obtained by *The Intercept*. "Suggest you default to the phone call
or gotta minute? drop by approach...I learned this the hard way!"
“Trust me amigo. Emails are fodder for our enemies’ cannons,” Snyder’s
right-hand man Richard Baird wrote to ex-Flint emergency manager Darnell
Earley.tweet this

A week later, Baird again texted Earley, who at that point had moved on
from his role as Flint's emergency manager to become emergency manager for
Detroit public schools.

"Sent u a note to the other email," Baird wrote, presumably referring to
Earley's non-state government email. Earley responded, "on it." Earley
didn't respond to *The Intercept*'s request about whether Baird was
emailing state business to his personal email about the Flint water crisis
or any other issues.

Baird and other officials in the Snyder administration's use of private
emails continued into the Flint water crisis. In December 2015, then-Snyder
chief of staff Jarrod Agen scolded Baird and Meegan Holland, Snyder's
communications director at the time, for using their private emails to
discuss Flint water matters
In fact, Governor Snyder himself used private email to discuss Flint water
his then-spokesperson acknowledged at the same time the governor testified
in front of Congress in 2016.

*The Intercept* learned of other internal Snyder administration turmoil
during the water crisis among MDHHS officials who stewed over what they
felt was the administration prioritizing its own political survival over
the public health crisis in Flint.

In an April 2, 2016, text message obtained by *The Intercept*, MDHHS
epidemiologist Tim Bolen messaged Jim Collins, his boss and director of
MDHHS's Communicable Disease Division. In the message, Bolen condemned
MDHHS chief deputy director Becker and Sue Moran, deputy director of the
Population Health Administration.

"Morons all, they will all sink with their boss — and they will all deserve
it," Bolen wrote, seemingly referring to the MDHHS director Lyon. Soon
after, Bolen texted Collins again: "No kidding send that last message
'upstairs' — they have no clue how this makes us look. Really tired of the
games they're playing — they appear to be more interested in 'political
health' than public health."

Collins responded: "Hang in there Tim. There are still good folks. Despite
the crap." Neither Bolen nor Collins responded to *The Intercept*'s request
for comment.
[image: Text messages between MDHHS epidemiologist Tim Bolen and his boss
Jim Collins, director of MDHHS’s Communicable Disease Division, criticize
the Snyder administration’s prioritization of politics over public health
during the Flint water crisis. - OBTAINED BY THE INTERCEPT]

   - Obtained by *The Intercept*
   - Text messages between MDHHS epidemiologist Tim Bolen and his boss Jim
   Collins, director of MDHHS’s Communicable Disease Division, criticize the
   Snyder administration’s prioritization of politics over public health
   during the Flint water crisis.

As Flint prosecutors and investigators discovered the missing phone
messages, Snyder's questionable internal investigations, and efforts by top
officials to influence the testimony of subordinates, they were also waging
a three-year, behind-the-scenes legal battle with Governor Snyder and his
attorneys. On June 10, 2016, Snyder was served with an investigative
subpoena, documents obtained by *The Intercept* show. The subpoena sought
documents and communications that the governor and his top officials had
about Flint's water dating back to when the governor entered office in 2011
through June 2016.

Soon after, Snyder's lawyer responded with 29 objections, documents
obtained by *The Intercept* show, with Snyder's lawyer pointing to the
heavily redacted 117,000 pages of "responsive documents" Snyder had already
made public.

A few months later, in the fall of 2016, Snyder — with no court order in
place that compelled him to provide the documents criminal investigators
sought — continued to withhold the majority of documents and communications
he was subpoenaed for months earlier, according to multiple sources
familiar with the criminal investigation and documents obtained by *The

With Snyder and his attorneys stonewalling, special prosecutor Flood pushed
to execute a search warrant on the governor's office, multiple sources
familiar with the criminal investigation told *The Intercept*. But AG
Schuette — a Republican who would go on to announce a run for governor to
succeed the term-limited Snyder in 2017 — denied the request.

"Flood's hands were tied, Schuette said you cannot execute a search warrant
on the governor," a source familiar with the matter told *The Intercept*,
adding that Schuette said the criminal team had to route all requests for
documents through Snyder's lawyer.

"They weren't giving things, they weren't honoring subpoenas," the source
told *The Intercept*. Moreover, the documents that Snyder, and state
departments under him, were providing to investigators were missing crucial
metadata, multiple sources told *The Intercept*, including the full length
and sequence of email chains, which state officials were copied and blind
copied on emails, and who the emails might have been forwarded to.

It's the "document's DNA," a source told *The Intercept*. Essentially,
Snyder was sending "screenshots of emails" to prosecutors. Flood did not
respond to *The Intercept*'s request for comment.

Flood moved to compel Snyder to comply with the original subpoena for
documents in the fall of 2016, documents obtained by *The Intercept* show.
Soon after, Flood withdrew the motion based on a "stipulated agreement"
with the governor's attorney; the agreement mandated that Snyder would
begin producing the documents he was subpoenaed months earlier for on Oct.
14, 2016. From there, the agreement said, the governor would continue
producing documents "on a rolling basis approximately every two weeks from
the date of its first production."

But still with no court order in place to force the governor to comply, he
and his attorneys didn't honor the agreement, multiple sources told *The
Intercept*, continuing to slow-walk the criminal investigation.

Around the same time in October 2016, criminal prosecutors were tipped off
that top officials in Snyder's administration, including Baird, had
approached other state officials before their interviews with criminal
prosecutors in order to influence their testimony, according to documents
obtained by *The Intercept* and sources familiar with the matter.

"It's come to my attention as recent as yesterday that some of the
witnesses that we have been bringing in have been contacted by government
or former government employees to talk about testimony that they may or may
not give," Flood told MDHHS' Jay Fiedler in a confidential interview in
October 2016 obtained by *The Intercept*. (Fiedler responded that no one
had approached him to influence his testimony.)

While interviewing Wurfel, Snyder's press secretary, Flood also noted
improper attempts by state officials to influence the testimony of other
Snyder administration officials.

"There have been times where people have been contacted, after testimony
that have sat in investigative subpoenas before, to talk about what they
testified to," Flood told Wurfel. "There have been — as disclosures have
shown, people have been talked to in cases where witnesses have been talked
to about what they should say in an Investigative Subpoena...if someone
were to do that, I would consider it tampering with evidence and an
obstruction, and I would charge anybody that would do that to you."

In the January 2021 indictment against Baird for perjury, extortion,
misconduct in office, and obstruction of justice, prosecutors referenced
Baird's attempt "to influence/interfere with ongoing legal proceedings
arising from the Flint water crisis."

Prosecutors' behind-the-scenes legal battle with the governor continued
into 2017. As a result, Flood filed a second motion to compel Snyder to
comply with the original 2016 subpoena. In a "Brief in Support of The
People of The State of Michigan's Second Motion to Compel Governor Rick
Snyder's Compliance With Investigative Subpoena," obtained by *The
Intercept*, Flood wrote that the governor was "now simply refusing to
comply with significant requirements of the Subpoena."

Documents that Snyder had provided prosecutors were "patently noncompliant
with the requirements of the subpoena," Flood wrote, adding that the
governor's lawyer had "arbitrarily decided not to search for" large numbers
of documents prosecutors had asked for. He argued that Snyder had "custody
or effective control over massive amounts of information that is relevant
to an ongoing investigation."

Some of the relevant documents Snyder was withholding, Flood wrote,
included "MDEQ Governor Briefings, Governor daily briefings, Executive
Staff meetings, and Flint Water Crisis-related conference calls, updates,
and reports" that were all "in the custody or effective control of the

Snyder and his lawyers were particularly obstinate about not providing
prosecutors with the governor's daily briefings from the summer and fall of
2014, multiple sources familiar with the criminal investigation told *The
Intercept*. Considering Snyder's health and environmental departments were
already communicating about Flint's Legionella outbreak in October 2014,
access to the governor's daily briefings would allow investigators to see
if Snyder had received notice of the deadly outbreak during this time —
nearly a year and a half earlier than the January 2016 period Snyder
testified to Congress that he became aware.

As *The Intercept* previously reported, investigators found potential
evidence that Snyder was notified much earlier
meeting notes from an Oct. 22, 2014, MDEQ managers meeting that included
the blurb "Governor's Briefings'' with a corresponding mention of the
Legionella outbreak in Flint. The memo, which came two weeks before
Snyder's reelection, seemed like a smoking gun — written notice to the
governor 16 months earlier than he claimed to have learned about the
outbreak. As *The Intercept* also reported, investigators had other reasons
to believe the governor knew about Legionnaires in Flint as early as
October 2014 after finding a suspicious, two-day blitz of phone calls
between Snyder, his chief of staff, and MDHHS' director in October 2014;
calls that investigators concluded amounted to the trio working to prevent
news of the outbreak from going public.
RELATED 'Suspicious phone calls' linked former Gov. Snyder to Flint case,
according to report

But prosecutors were not able to obtain Snyder's actual briefings from that
time; instead, the governor provided investigators with daily briefings
from less pertinent periods that were also heavily redacted, a source
familiar with the matter told *The Intercept*. One such briefing provided
to investigators, obtained by *The Intercept*, was from April 2013, a year
before the Flint River switch, with most of the briefings unrelated to the
topic of Flint's water and heavily redacted.

Snyder "picked the most sanitized ones and redacted everything on every
page almost," the source said.

In Flood's motion, he also made mention of "executive office cell phones
that were not timely imaged or forensically preserved" — highlighted by
Lieutenant Governor Brian Calley, whose cell phone wasn't forensically
preserved until January of 2017, according to Flood.

Calley didn't respond to *The Intercept*'s request for comment.

Flood explained that he had relied on the "good-faith representations" from
the governor's attorney that Snyder's subpoena response would be completed
by "January or February of 2017," but that "it became clear by May of 2017
that the Governor had no intention of complying with significant
requirements of the subpoena."

On top of that, the documents Snyder had given to prosecutors were fraught
with technical issues, including "duplication issues, blank/withheld
documents, missing custodians, unidentified custodians, and inconsistent
and questionable redactions," Flood wrote.

Furthermore, Flood stated that the governor's attorney hadn't produced any
privilege logs, lists lawyers provide prosecutors with for each document
they are withholding and the justification for doing so. But the special
prosecutor had not received "a single privilege log reflecting thousands of
otherwise responsive documents being withheld by the Governor," he wrote in
the motion.

By the end of 2018 — two years after Snyder was originally subpoenaed for
Flint water documents — Flood petitioned a judge to allow any future
motions he would file to compel the governor to be made public. Snyder's
lawyers objected, lobbying to keep review of all contested documents
confidential, known in law as "in-camera review."

In the motion, Flood revealed that Snyder's lawyer had stated he was now
considering "whether the Governor would assert his Fifth Amendment right
against self-incrimination as a basis in refusing to fully respond to the

Among other things, Flood wrote, he had evidence of "data stores and
devices from key executive officials under the effective or actual control
of the Governor that were not searched; relevant documents and data that
were not preserved despite having notice of the OSC's criminal
investigation; and missing material information that was required to be

It would be "a travesty of justice" if Snyder were able to continue to not
cooperate with the subpoena, Flood concluded.

Soon after the 2019 discovery of 23 boxes in the basement of a state
building containing Flint water documents, hard drives, and cell phones, AG
Nessel fired Flood as special prosecutor in April 2019. Solicitor General
Fadwa Hammoud, who was appointed by Nessel to replace Flood as the top
Flint water prosecutor, claimed that under Flood legal discovery "was not
fully and properly pursued from the onset of this investigation."

Along with Flood, Nessel fired Andy Arena, the investigation's chief
investigator, and the majority of the criminal team responsible for
charging 15 state and city officials with crimes over the Flint water
crisis over a three-year investigation. In June 2019, prosecutors with
Nessel's revamped Flint water investigation issued search warrants to seize
the cell phone Governor Snyder
while in office, along with other mobile devices belonging to him. With the
seizure of Snyder's devices, prosecutors seized devices connected to dozens
of members of his administration. Soon after, prosecutors dropped the
remaining charges against eight state and city officials
<https://www.michigan.gov/ag/0,4534,7-359-92297_92299-499753--,00.html> —
including MDHHS director Lyon, Michigan's chief medical executive Wells,
and two of Snyder's Flint emergency managers— citing flaws in the original
three-year investigation and that "all evidence was not pursued."

A year and a half later, in January 2021, Nessel's prosecutors charged
Governor Snyder with two counts of willful neglect of duty, a misdemeanor
charge, for "willfully neglecting his mandatory legal duties under the
Michigan constitution and the emergency management act, thereby failing to
protect the health and safety of Flint's residents."

Eight other state and city officials, including Baird, Snyder's former
chief of staff Jarrod Agen, and two ex-Flint emergency managers appointed
by Snyder, were faced with a slew of felony and misdemeanor charges related
to the water crisis.

In March, a judge granted Snyder's lawyers a several-month hold on the
criminal case against him to allow Snyder's defense time to go through what
they claim to be 21 million documents.

In April, the Flint water crisis entered its seventh year. After two
investigations spanning different attorneys general, no state of Michigan
or city of Flint official has faced a jury or been convicted. Beyond the
search for justice, residents and activists on the ground have passionately
challenged claims, often reported by the national media, that their water
is safe to drink, telling *The Intercept* that residents are still
experiencing rashes and receiving often odorous and discolored water.

"Since 2014, Flint residents have been posting photos and videos of rashes,
discolored water, health questions and concerns about high water bills,"
Melissa Mays, a Flint resident and activist, told *The Intercept*. "For
seven years we have been consistently dismissed and ignored. We are halfway
through 2021 and we are still getting our water through corroded pipes and
fixtures but somehow those in charge have decided to tell the world
everything is fine, but common sense tells us that our water STILL flowing
through damaged and contaminated infrastructure means that our water is
STILL not fixed."

Peter Hammer, a Wayne State University law professor who produced a
definitive report on the Flint water crisis that identified structural
racism as its root cause
expressed serious concerns about Snyder's evading prosecutors' requests for
years, as well as wiped phones belonging to state officials.
RELATED A deep dive into the source of Flint’s water crisis: Tunnel vision

"If true, this is a disturbing pattern that goes far beyond the problems of
having inadequate state laws requiring disclosure of public records,"
Hammer told *The Intercept*. "All citizens have an obligation to comply
with criminal processes; this is substantially more true for public
officials. There can be no accountability without transparency."

Hammer added that if he had the details *The Intercept* is revealing at his
disposal from the very beginning of his analysis of the water crisis, his
conclusion would have "shifted towards intentional forms of misconduct and
criminal behavior."

On whether Snyder was involved in efforts to cover up the Flint water
crisis, Hammer was blunt.

"If the actions reported here are accurate, it is impossible for me to
believe that the governor was not aware of the efforts to hide and destroy
damaging information."

*A version of this story was also published by The Intercept
<https://theintercept.com/2021/07/21/flint-water-crisis-rick-snyder/>. It
is republished with permission.*

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